Physical attractiveness stereotype

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The physical attractiveness stereotype is the tendency to assume that people who are physically attractive, based on social beauty standards, also possess other desirable personality traits. Research has shown that those who are physically attractive are viewed as more intelligent, competent, and socially desirable. The target benefits from what has been coined as “pretty privilege”, namely social, economic, and political advantages or benefits. Physical attractiveness can have a significant effect on how people are judged in terms of employment or social opportunities, friendship, sexual behavior, and marriage.

The physical attractiveness stereotype will bias an observer's opinions and decisions when comparing people of different attractiveness levels. There is evidence of this stereotype affecting decision making within social settings, but also within the workplace and the judicial system.[1][2]

History[edit]

The physical attractiveness stereotype was first formally observed in a study done by Karen Dion, Ellen Berscheid, and Elaine Walster in 1972.[3] Study participants, all university students, were told by the experimenters that they would be tested on how well they could "read" a person after seeing a single photo of them, and that their performance would be compared to individuals that had been trained in reading a person based on body language and other interpersonal skills. The subjects were then given three envelopes that contained a photo of either a male or female near the subjects' age, who the researchers had categorized as either attractive, average, or unattractive. The goal of this study was to ascertain whether physical attractiveness affected how individuals were perceived, specifically whether they were seen as having more socially desirable personality traits and perceived to live a better life. The researchers found that overall attractive individuals were rated as having more socially desirable personality traits. Moreover, physically attractive individuals were expected to get a better job, be better spouses, have happier marriages, have better social and professional lives, and be married earlier. The only dimension that was not rated positively was parenting, where physically attractive individuals were not rated higher on the expectation of being a better parent.[3]

Experimental evidence[edit]

In the years since the publication of the original study, further research has bolstered the physical attractiveness stereotype and expanded its influence into other areas.

Intelligence ratings[edit]

Physical attraction also has a strong relationship with how intelligent one is perceived. For both adults and children, attractive individuals are expected to be more intellectually competent than unattractive individuals. This effect is stronger in adults and also stronger in males. Between equally attractive males and females, the males will be perceived as more intelligent. This perception exists despite little to no evidence that attractiveness is correlated with actual competence.[4]

Workplace[edit]

Research has shown that this stereotype exists in the workplace as well. A meta-analysis looking at how one's level of physical attractiveness can affect various job-related outcomes showed a strong relationship between attractive individuals and better job outcomes. The report accumulated over 60 study results and showed that attractive individuals were perceived as better employees. They are more likely to be hired and promoted, as well as ranked higher in performance evaluations and employment potential than unattractive counterparts. This stereotype is present for and affects both men and women as neither the gender of the attractive individual nor the gender of the observer influences the relationship.[1]

Judicial system[edit]

Based on an extensive review of jury research, where a fake jury is presented with a mock trial to better understand how their decisions are made, it was found that the physical attractiveness stereotype does have an effect on jury rulings. It was found to be advantageous for defendants to be physically attractive, female, and of high socioeconomic status.[2] Juries were more likely to find a physically unattractive defendant guilty than an attractive defendant. Additionally, for certain crimes, juries recommend lesser punishments for attractive individuals. In the case of robbery, rape, and cheating, the attractiveness of the defendant contributes to a lesser sentence. However, in the case of negligent homicide, attractive individuals are actually given a greater punishment than their unattractive counterparts. Researchers posit that this occurs because attractive individuals are expected to be better than unattractive individuals, they are held to a higher standard. Therefore, they are treated harsher when they make a mistake, such as in the case of negligent homicide.[2]

Education[edit]

In a review of studies done that examine perception of students in the education system, it was found that attractive students were treated more favorably by their teachers than unattractive students. Consistent with the perception that attractive individuals are more intelligent, research shows that teachers have higher expectations for attractive students. They expect these students to be more intelligent, earn better grades, and have better social attributes than other, less attractive students. Furthermore, various studies done between 1960–1985 show that attractive students actually earned higher scores on standardized tests. Researchers believe this is an example of a self-fulfilling prophecy, where the teacher's higher expectations for the attractive students cause them to work harder and perform better.[5]

Theories[edit]

There are some proposed theoretical underpinnings for the physical attractiveness stereotype.

Implicit personality theory[edit]

The implicit personality theory is the unconscious assumptions one makes about another's personality based on their characteristics.[6] These assumptions can be based on other personality traits but in the context of the physical attractiveness stereotype, they are based on physical traits. Using this theory, researchers explain the physical attractiveness stereotype in that attractive physical features are linked with positive assumptions of personality and unattractive physical features are linked with negative assumptions of personality.[1] These unconscious linkages can explain why those seen as more physically attractive are treated and perceived differently. However, this theory becomes inaccurate when individuals make assumptions based on pre-concieved judgements they believe make sense without applying them to real-world circumstances.

Evolution[edit]

The principle of evolutionary biology is that, in case of genetic variation within a population in a characteristic, the form which improves the individual's chance of survival and reproduction will be selected over other forms and becomes more frequent within the population. Evolutionary psychologists suggest that the physical attractiveness stereotype has evolved for individuals to assess potential mates and reproductive partners and as a means to assess our status ranking among same-sex members.[7]

The reproductive strategy of women and men differ; however, both include advertising to potential mates and competing with same-sex members to demonstrate one's value.[8] Attractiveness or beauty is the display of these traits and one of the most important predictors of reproductive success. Physical attractiveness may have evolved as a signal of good health, fitness, and genetic quality. Certain physical features, including symmetry, clear skin, and waist-to-hip ratio, signal reproductive health. Individuals with these features are perceived as more attractive because they possess genes which they could pass on to the next generation.

The physical attractiveness stereotype may have also evolved as a result of natural selection. Attractive individuals may have a greater chance of mating and passing on desirable traits and are therefore preferred as mates over others based on their physical attractiveness.

Physical attractiveness, therefore, provides the target with direct benefits where they gain directly for themselves and their offspring, and indirect benefits whereby the target gains genetic benefits to the offspring.[9]

Neuroscience[edit]

Here only the brain regions used in assessing facial beauty will be discussed, since there is little research of how the brain processes body judgements.[10]

The brain uses at least three cognitive domains to decide the value of attractiveness.[11] At first, the occipital and temporal regions of the cortex process face views.[12] The information about facial features is then passed on to the fusiform face area of the fusiform gyrus (FG) for facial recognition.[13] When judging an unfamiliar face, the FG responds more strongly to attractive faces than unattractive ones, suggesting that the recognition of attractive features occurs even before the rest of the brain is included in the evaluation.[14]

The second module interprets facial movements and then interacts with other brain regions such as the amygdala, insula, and limbic system for the emotional content of facial expressions and movements.

Information is then passed on to the third module, the orbitofrontal cortex (OFC) which makes judgments of beauty and produces the neurological rewards, namely dopamine and other neurotransmitters, for finding the face's beauty.[15] The OFC is more active when viewing an attractive face versus an unattractive face.[16] These areas of the bran are also associated with reward processing and regulating experiences of pleasure motivation.[17] Researchers suggest that our brains find attractive faces rewarding which could be part of the reason more attractive people benefit from pretty privilege.

Criticism[edit]

There are recent studies that indicate that the physical attractiveness stereotype can also be a negative bias and disadvantage the target.[18] Research suggests that there might exist an exception to pretty privilege when the viewer and the target are of the same sex. In the study, targets were less likely to be recommended for a job and admission into university compared to average-looking individuals. This might stem from a desire to avoid perceived self-threats posed by attractive same-sex targets.[19] Especially individuals who lack self-esteem are more likely to avoid these threats than those with high self-esteem.[20]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ a b c Hosoda, Megumi; Stone-Romero, Eugene F.; Coats, Gwen (June 2003). "The Effects of Physical Attractiveness on Job-Related Outcomes: A Meta-Analysis of Experimental Studies". Personnel Psychology. 56 (2): 431–462. doi:10.1111/j.1744-6570.2003.tb00157.x. ISSN 0031-5826.
  2. ^ a b c Mazzella, Ronald; Feingold, Alan (August 1994). "The Effects of Physical Attractiveness, Race, Socioeconomic Status, and Gender of Defendants and Victims on Judgments of Mock Jurors: A Meta-Analysis1". Journal of Applied Social Psychology. 24 (15): 1315–1338. doi:10.1111/j.1559-1816.1994.tb01552.x. ISSN 0021-9029.
  3. ^ a b Dion, Karen; Berscheid, Ellen; Walster, Elaine (1972). "What is beautiful is good". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 24 (3): 285–290. doi:10.1037/h0033731. ISSN 1939-1315. PMID 4655540. S2CID 10152052.
  4. ^ Jackson, Linda A.; Hunter, John E.; Hodge, Carole N. (June 1995). "Physical Attractiveness and Intellectual Competence: A Meta-Analytic Review". Social Psychology Quarterly. 58 (2): 108–122. doi:10.2307/2787149. ISSN 0190-2725. JSTOR 2787149.
  5. ^ Ritts, Vicki; Patterson, Miles L.; Tubbs, Mark E. (Winter 1992). "Expectations, Impressions, and Judgments of Physically Attractive Students: A Review". Review of Educational Research. 62 (4): 413–426. doi:10.3102/00346543062004413. S2CID 145563047.
  6. ^ "Implicit personality theory". Oxford Reference. Retrieved 2023-06-06.
  7. ^ Senior, Carl (2003-05-22). "Beauty in the Brain of the Beholder". Neuron. 38 (4): 525–528. doi:10.1016/S0896-6273(03)00293-9. PMID 12765605. S2CID 15749275.
  8. ^ Spencer, Steven J.; Josephs, Robert A.; Steele, Claude M. (1993), Baumeister, Roy F. (ed.), "Low Self-Esteem: The Uphill Struggle for Self-Integrity", Self-Esteem, Boston, MA: Springer US, pp. 21–36, doi:10.1007/978-1-4684-8956-9_2, ISBN 978-1-4684-8958-3
  9. ^ Thornhill, Randy; Gangestad, Steven W.; Thornhill, Randy; Gangestad, Steven W. (2008-09-25). The Evolutionary Biology of Human Female Sexuality. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-534099-0.
  10. ^ Langlois, Judith H.; Kalakanis, Lisa; Rubenstein, Adam J.; Larson, Andrea; Hallam, Monica; Smoot, Monica (2000). "Maxims or myths of beauty? A meta-analytic and theoretical review". Psychological Bulletin. 126 (3): 390–423. doi:10.1037/0033-2909.126.3.390. ISSN 1939-1455. PMID 10825783. S2CID 18665543.
  11. ^ Ramsey, Jennifer L.; Langlois, Judith H.; Hoss, Rebecca A.; Rubenstein, Adam J.; Griffin, Angela M. (April 2004). "Origins of a stereotype: categorization of facial attractiveness by 6-month-old infants". Developmental Science. 7 (2): 201–211. doi:10.1111/j.1467-7687.2004.00339.x. ISSN 1363-755X. PMID 15320380.
  12. ^ Rodgers, Rachel F.; Campagna, Jenna; Attawala, Raihaan (December 2019). "Stereotypes of physical attractiveness and social influences: The heritage and vision of Dr. Thomas Cash". Body Image. 31: 273–279. doi:10.1016/j.bodyim.2019.01.010. PMID 30713132. S2CID 73447614.
  13. ^ Bovet, Jeanne (2018), Kapoula, Zoï; Volle, Emmanuelle; Renoult, Julien; Andreatta, Moreno (eds.), "The Evolution of Feminine Beauty", Exploring Transdisciplinarity in Art and Sciences, Cham: Springer International Publishing, pp. 327–357, doi:10.1007/978-3-319-76054-4_17, ISBN 978-3-319-76053-7
  14. ^ Bzdok, D.; Langner, R.; Caspers, S.; Kurth, F.; Habel, U.; Zilles, K.; Laird, A.; Eickhoff, Simon B. (January 2011). "ALE meta-analysis on facial judgments of trustworthiness and attractiveness". Brain Structure and Function. 215 (3–4): 209–223. doi:10.1007/s00429-010-0287-4. ISSN 1863-2653. PMC 4020344. PMID 20978908.
  15. ^ Kirsch, Louise P.; Urgesi, Cosimo; Cross, Emily S. (March 2016). "Shaping and reshaping the aesthetic brain: Emerging perspectives on the neurobiology of embodied aesthetics". Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews. 62: 56–68. doi:10.1016/j.neubiorev.2015.12.005. hdl:11390/1093985. PMID 26698020. S2CID 3401618.
  16. ^ Little, Anthony C.; Jones, Benedict C.; DeBruine, Lisa M. (2011-06-12). "Facial attractiveness: evolutionary based research". Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences. 366 (1571): 1638–1659. doi:10.1098/rstb.2010.0404. ISSN 0962-8436. PMC 3130383. PMID 21536551.
  17. ^ Park, Lora E.; Maner, Jon K. (2009). "Does self-threat promote social connection? The role of self-esteem and contingencies of self-worth". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 96 (1): 203–217. doi:10.1037/a0013933. ISSN 1939-1315. PMID 19210075.
  18. ^ Agthe, Maria; Spörrle, Matthias; Maner, Jon K. (August 2011). "Does Being Attractive Always Help? Positive and Negative Effects of Attractiveness on Social Decision Making". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 37 (8): 1042–1054. doi:10.1177/0146167211410355. ISSN 0146-1672. PMID 21636731. S2CID 9854865.
  19. ^ Wiese, Holger; Kloth, Nadine; Güllmar, Daniel; Reichenbach, Jürgen R.; Schweinberger, Stefan R. (2012). "Perceiving age and gender in unfamiliar faces: An fMRI study on face categorization". Brain and Cognition. 78 (2): 163–168. doi:10.1016/j.bandc.2011.10.012. PMID 22104172. S2CID 23694344.
  20. ^ Yarosh, Daniel (2019-03-29). "Perception and Deception: Human Beauty and the Brain". Behavioral Sciences. 9 (4). MDPI: 34. doi:10.3390/bs9040034. ISSN 2076-328X. PMC 6523404. PMID 30934856.